https://www.ijds.ir/ Iranian Diplomatic Studies en daily 1 Fri, 22 May 2026 00:00:00 +0330 Fri, 22 May 2026 00:00:00 +0330 https://www.ijds.ir/article_254970.html AbstractThe world is witnessing a major transformation in the field of diplomacy. This transformation has transformed the classic patterns of international communications and created a polyphonic, dense, and decentralized space. While traditional diplomacy was state-centered and based on limited and confidential channels, digital diplomacy has created a networked , interactive, and transparent space in which non-state actors also play a role. The question is, how does digital diplomacy redefine communication patterns and the roles of actors in the international arena? The hypothesis of this article is that digital diplomacy is creating interactive, transparent, and decentralized communication patterns in the international arena by facilitating direct and multilateral interaction. This study, using a qualitative research method with an analytical-descriptive approach, argues that this change is not only in the tools, but also in the norms, identities, and the process of meaning-making itself in the global arena. The findings show that the digital space has shifted towards transparency, changing the traditional role of diplomats to facilitators of dialogue and providing a new platform. https://www.ijds.ir/article_255501.html Public diplomacy has become a central instrument for states seeking to enhance international influence. During the Justice and Development Party era (2002–2026), Turkey has strategically deployed public diplomacy toward Bosnia and Herzegovina to consolidate its Balkan position while advancing its European trajectory. Drawing on a descriptive-analytical method and Joseph Nye’s soft-power framework, this paper asks why Turkey utilizes public diplomacy tools—media, the Yunus Emre Institute, TIKA, tourism, and migration—to strengthen its standing in Bosnia. The hypothesis contends that this strategy simultaneously reinforces Turkey’s cultural-religious stature and facilitates European engagement. Findings indicate that through shared heritage representation, historical restoration, Turkish-language promotion, infrastructural investment, and the leveraging of diaspora and tourism, Turkey has synergistically augmented its soft power. Concrete indicators—a 189% increase in Bosnian tourists (from 61,651 in 2020 to 177,893 in 2023), a growing TIKA aid share, expanded Turkish-language courses, and more bilateral agreements—confirm the strategy’s success in stabilizing regional influence and smoothing Europe-oriented ties. The article concludes that Turkey’s Bosnia policy exemplifies how cultural, religious, and developmental instruments can be integrated to serve both regional and Euro-Atlantic objectives. https://www.ijds.ir/article_254972.html Recognizing the pivotal role of facilitating cross-border mobility in fostering regional integration, this study examines the feasibility of a common visa scheme for the BRICS group and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO). The central research question concerns the factors that facilitate or constrain the implementation of such an initiative. The theoretical framework is grounded in the principle of homophily within communication theory, with the hypothesis that greater homogeneity among member states increases the likelihood of reaching an agreement on a common visa. To this end, several key economic and political indicators, along with bilateral visa-waiver agreements, were examined using a comparative-quantitative approach. The findings reveal that the SCO, owing to its relative political homogeneity and geographical contiguity, demonstrates greater capacity for a common visa arrangement. BRICS, in turn, also possesses the necessary potential for such a scheme, benefiting from relative homogeneity in certain indicators. Ultimately, the paper introduces the pilot project "SHANICS" — a joint visa initiative for the common member states, namely China, India, Russia, and Iran — as a feasible and practical first step toward the eventual realization of a broader visa integration framework. https://www.ijds.ir/article_254974.html Paradiplomacy is one of the new types of diplomacy. In paradiplomacy, political units such as provinces, cities, and even departments are considered the most important players. , is the point of gravity of communication between the three countries of Iran, Afghanistan and Turkmenistan, therefore, it has provided a special strategic position in the field of political communication for this province. Now the question is, what is the paradiplomacy approach and its application in the border areas, especially Razavi Khorasan? It is stated in the hypothesis that, from Niels Hansen's point of view, paradiplomacy causes investment and development in the border region of Razavi Khorasan. In this article, the researchers use the documentary method by relying on written library sources and articles to explain reasons such as having cultural and historical attractions, . The results indicate that para-diplomacy in the Razavi-Khorasan border region can play a significant role in attracting capital, creating jobs, expanding various economic exchanges, and also helping the central government in solving regional, trans-regional and international issues. International in line with the country's constitution. https://www.ijds.ir/article_255172.html The twelve-day Iran–Israel war in June 2025 transformed the Middle East. This study aims to examine the war’s impact on U.S.–China geopolitical competition in the Middle East and addresses the following question: How did the twelve-day Iran–Israel war affect U.S.–China geopolitical competition in the Middle East? To answer this question, the study employs Stephen Walt’s Balance of Threat theory, which explains states’ behavior in response to perceived threats. The research hypothesis is based on the argument that the twelve-day war, by altering the threat perceptions of the Gulf states and highlighting the functional differentiation between the United States (security–military) and China (economic–diplomatic), brought the pattern of geopolitical competition between the two powers in the Middle East into sharper relief. The findings indicate that the war altered the threat perceptions of the Arab Gulf states, reinforced the U.S. security role, and sustained China’s cautious approach. These states adopted a pattern of simultaneous reliance on both powers, although a definitive reconfiguration of the pattern of competition cannot be empirically established. This study employs a descriptive-analytical approach and is based on Stephen Walt’s Balance of Threat theory. https://www.ijds.ir/article_255348.html مسئله اصلی این پژوهش، چگونگی دستیابی به تعادل راهبردی میان الزامات امنیت ملی و توسعه دیپلماسی اقتصادی در ایران است. تجربه‌های گذشته نشان می‌دهد که سیاست‌گذاری واکنش گرا و کوتاه‌مدت، تحت تأثیر فشارهای خارجی و تحولات سریع بین‌المللی شکل گرفته و در بسیاری از موارد منجر به تضاد منافع، محدود شدن بهره‌برداری از فرصت‌های اقتصادی و کاهش ظرفیت کشور در مدیریت ریسک‌های امنیتی شده است.از این رو؛ این پژوهش با هدف تحلیل راهبردی سیاست‌های ایران در زمینه دیپلماسی اقتصادی و امنیت ملی و ارائه مدلی برای حرکت از سیاست‌گذاری واکنشی به سیاست‌گذاری پیش‌نگر است و می کوشد تا به پرسش پژوهش یعنی؛ چگونه می‌توان تعادل میان الزامات امنیت ملی و توسعه دیپلماسی اقتصادی ایران را ارتقا داد؟ پاسخی شایسته دهد.همچنین در این پژوهش فرض بر آن است که ارتقای هماهنگی میان سیاست‌های اقتصادی و امنیتی، و اتخاذ رویکرد پیش‌نگرانه، موجب افزایش فزاینده ظرفیت ایران در بهره‌برداری از فرصت‌های اقتصادی، کاهش آسیب‌پذیری امنیتی و ارتقای اثربخشی دیپلماسی بین‌المللی خواهد شد.در پایان تحلیل داده های کیفی حاکی از آن است که ؛ سیاست‌گذاری پیش‌نگرانه و راهبردی، با شناسایی تهدیدها و فرصت‌های بلندمدت، تحلیل ریسک‌ها و طراحی سازوکارهای هماهنگ میان امنیت و اقتصاد،